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Djibouti: The urgency of inclusive growth amid global tensions

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By Omar M. Elmi
Sunday June 14, 2026

Djibouti: The urgency of inclusive growth amid global tensions

As President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh begins his sixth term in office, Djibouti stands at a decisive crossroads. The country continues to post enviable growth rates, driven by ports, logistics, free trade zones, and its strategic geopolitical rent. Yet behind these encouraging macroeconomic indicators lies an economy that remains fragile, insufficiently inclusive, heavily indebted, and highly exposed to external geopolitical shocks.

The ongoing conflict in the Middle East and disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz serve as a stark reminder that Djibouti sits at the heart of some of the world's most critical fault lines. The Strait of Hormuz remains one of the most important energy chokepoints on the planet. Recent tensions have generated significant volatility in oil markets and raised concerns over global energy supplies. For a country that imports most of its energy, food products, and manufactured goods, any prolonged increase in oil prices, freight costs, or maritime insurance premiums translates directly into a higher cost of living.

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In this particularly tense environment, the recent visit and several-day stay in Djibouti by French Minister for the Armed Forces and Veterans Affairs, Catherine Vautrin, illustrates France's renewed strategic interest in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea region. This political and military engagement comes at a time when the French aircraft carrier Charles de Gaulle and its carrier strike group are operating in regional waters amid escalating tensions in the Middle East and efforts to secure vital international shipping routes.

France, historically rooted in Djibouti, is rediscovering the strategic significance of this territory located near the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, one of the world's most important maritime corridors linking the Red Sea to the Indian Ocean. This renewed French engagement also reflects a broader competition among major powers. The United States, China, France, Japan, Turkey, and Gulf states are all strengthening their presence and influence across the region.

For Djibouti, this evolving environment presents both opportunities and risks. On the one hand, growing international military and commercial interest reinforces the country's strategic rent. On the other, Djibouti could find itself increasingly exposed to the consequences of regional conflict or great-power rivalry occurring on its own territory.

Strong Growth, Limited Social Impact

Djibouti's economy, valued at approximately USD 4.3 billion in 2024, remains small by international standards. Yet its strategic location gives it influence far beyond its size. Economic growth is largely driven by services, particularly port operations, logistics, transit trade, and re-exports to Ethiopia. The World Bank has repeatedly emphasized that Djibouti's economy remains heavily dependent on port activity and is therefore highly vulnerable to geopolitical and commercial disruptions.

Despite impressive growth figures, the benefits have not substantially transformed the lives of most citizens. Over the past two decades, Djibouti has invested heavily in large-scale infrastructure projects, including modern ports, the Djibouti-Addis Ababa railway, free trade zones, water infrastructure, and logistics facilities. Many of these projects were financed through external borrowing and have generated limited employment opportunities while failing to significantly broaden the country's productive base.

The Djiboutian paradox is therefore striking: the economy grows, yet poverty remains widespread; port infrastructure expands, yet unemployment stays high; modernization advances, yet schools, hospitals, housing, water services, sanitation, and public services remain under considerable strain.

After more than twenty-five years of uninterrupted rule, Djibouti's economic model can largely be described as one based on strategic rent, transit services, and state-controlled monopolies. Revenues from foreign military bases, port operations, and public enterprises have supported growth without fundamentally transforming the country's economic and social structures.

The Economic Record of the Previous Five Terms

The domestic private sector remains narrow and often dependent on government contracts or closely connected business networks. State-owned enterprises dominate strategic sectors including ports, electricity, water, telecommunications, and free zones.

While this model has produced growth rates that often exceeded 6 percent annually, it has not generated broad-based economic inclusion. Youth unemployment remains particularly acute. In a country where young people represent a significant share of the population, the lack of job creation poses not only an economic challenge but also a social and political risk.

Poverty remains widespread. The rising cost of living weighs heavily on households, especially in working-class neighborhoods of Djibouti City, where housing, electricity, water, and food expenses consume an increasing share of family incomes.

Food dependency further compounds vulnerability. According to the World Food Programme, Djibouti imports approximately 90 percent of its food requirements, exposing households directly to fluctuations in global commodity prices.
Djibouti's growth remains largely a growth of flows, corridors, and transit activities rather than one based on domestic production, industrial transformation, and large-scale employment creation.

A Dangerous Economic Environment: The Red Sea, Hormuz, Oil, and Freight Costs

The conflict in the Middle East has fundamentally altered the regional equation. Djibouti initially benefited from some of the disruptions in the Red Sea through changes in shipping patterns and increased transshipment activity. Yet these gains remain fragile.

Disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz and security risks throughout the Red Sea region could quickly transform today's opportunities into tomorrow's vulnerabilities. Sustained increases in oil prices would affect fuel costs, electricity generation, road transport, food prices, shipping rates, insurance costs, and public finances.

Although official inflation figures remain relatively moderate due to the Djiboutian franc's peg to the U.S. dollar and administrative price controls, public perception tells a different story. For many households, daily life is becoming increasingly expensive.

Djibouti may temporarily benefit from its position as a regional logistics hub, but it could also become a casualty of a geopolitical shock beyond its control.

An Unsustainable Debt Burden

Perhaps the most pressing concern is public debt. The International Monetary Fund considers Djibouti to be at high risk of debt distress, with debt sustainability remaining a major concern.

Much of this debt is linked to infrastructure projects financed through external borrowing, particularly from Chinese lenders. The problem is not merely the size of the debt but also the limited economic and social returns generated by some investments.

When infrastructure projects fail to generate sufficient revenues, when state-owned enterprises contribute limited dividends to the national budget, and when tax revenues remain weak, debt becomes a structural trap.
This situation restricts fiscal space, limits social spending, and increases dependence on continuous negotiations with creditors.

A Necessary Roadmap for Reform

Djibouti needs more than economic growth. It requires a new economic, social, and institutional compact. The first priority should be transparent debt restructuring and management. The government should provide a comprehensive public accounting of sovereign debt, state guarantees, and future financial obligations.

The second priority is reforming state-owned enterprises. Ports, electricity, water services, telecommunications, and free zones must become engines of national development rather than merely sources of rent and monopolistic power.

The third priority is economic diversification. Djibouti can no longer rely almost exclusively on Ethiopian transit trade, foreign military bases, and port activities. Investments should focus on renewable energy, digital services, fisheries, value-added logistics, regional tourism, light manufacturing, and vocational training.

The fourth priority is social investment. A larger share of national wealth should be directed toward education, healthcare, housing, water infrastructure, sanitation, and urban development.

Finally, governance reform is essential. Without transparency, accountability, anti-corruption measures, genuine competition, and public-sector modernization, economic reforms will struggle to deliver lasting results.

Conclusion: Moving Beyond the Rentier Economy

Djibouti possesses considerable strengths. Its strategic location, logistical importance, proximity to Ethiopia, role in the Red Sea, and unique concentration of foreign military bases provide significant advantages.

Yet these advantages have too often been transformed into strategic rent rather than broad-based development.
President Guelleh's sixth term cannot simply be a continuation of the previous five. It must become a period of genuine economic transformation capable of reducing debt, creating jobs, improving public services, and strengthening national resilience against global crises.

The war in the Middle East and tensions around the Strait of Hormuz should serve as a strategic warning. A country overly dependent on ports, imports, foreign military rents, and external debt remains highly vulnerable to international shocks.
Djibouti must now transition from an economy of position to an economy of production, from rent-based growth to transformative growth, and from a rentier state to a genuine developmental state.

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Omar M. Elmi
Djiboutian Economist and Independent Geopolitical Analyst
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